The Failings of Populism
By: Brady Condon
On January 6, 2021, thousands of insurrectionists terrorized our nation’s capital. A police officer was beaten to death with a fire extinguisher, dozens more were injured, and millions of Americans felt unsafe. As the mob set its sight on the capitol, the very heart of our democracy was struck.
Hundreds of men and women, decked in campaign merchandise and bigoted fashion, brandishing Confederate flags, moved through the hallowed halls of our great institution of democratic government. Members of Congress, who were debating the legitimacy of a foregone conclusion, were whisked to safety. Outside of the Capitol building, the American flag was lowered, replaced with a blue flag with the name of the terrorists’ leader printed in bold on top.
Since that attack, America has undergone a period of soul-searching to find the root causes of this tragedy. There have been many fingers pointed: Florida Congressman Matt Gaetz has suggested that Antifa is to blame; a much larger, more bipartisan group blames former President Trump; almost everyone blames the divisive nature of American politics. However, there is a more powerful beast that has not only been the main driver of this terrorism, but also of the great American tragedy we have seen in the past ten years – populism.
In concept, populism seems like a positive aspect of democratic society. The ideology prioritizes the interests of the “common people” against the corrupt interests of established power. Some may argue that populism led to the initial American revolution, and to the democratization of our society.
The term populist originates from the Populares, a political faction of ancient Rome. This faction, led by the Gracchi brothers, advocated for a fairer distribution of land and grain, as well as a more direct democracy. Populism would later pop up in France during the revolution, when millions of Frenchmen rose up to establish democracy. Populism would also play a significant role throughout American history, from the revolution to the present. However, the term populism was spread in the United States by the People’s Party, or the Populist Party.
The Populist Party is one of the many enigmas of 19th century American politics. Between the Civil War and the Progressive Era, farmers were suffering from worsening economic conditions. They demanded for collective control of the railroads – a socialist ideal – adopting a bimetal currency to increase inflation, and many more left-wing ideas. Although they would eventually end up in the dustbin of history, they had greatly impacted both political parties, laying the future foundations for the Progressive Era.
In today’s politics, many like to label each idea on a left-right spectrum or, increasingly, a political compass. However, populism is larger than any single political affiliation. Right-wing and left-wing populists may be at each other’s throats today, but they also have many commonalities; they are two sides of the same coin. They are united by a single, definitive aspect of their beliefs – an us versus them mentality.
Populism is predicated on the idea that the “common people” are being oppressed by an incumbent “elite.” The haves versus the have-nots. No matter the strain, you will find some variant of this belief. The revolutionary Communists will say the proletariat is continuously struggling against the rich. The Tea Party in America will say that the middle class and blue-collar world is being oppressed by coastal elites and the “deep state.” This malevolent “other” is essential to perpetuating a populist ideology; the “other” is fuel.
Populism forces a perpetual cycle of violence and discrimination. They start as a disaffected group, cynical of society. They claim to be the “common people,” but are simply a demographic within the common people, not the entire group. They feel cheated by the “elites,” or anyone who is not directly suffering the same afflictions they are. Eventually, an opportunistic leader appears, offering them a better path forward. Rather than change their behaviors to adapt to a new time, the leader will argue, the time will adapt to them. The leader often argues that societal benefit is a zero-sum game, and that the only way the “common people” can see improved conditions is if others are suffering.
The disaffected begin to support these opportunistic leaders, disregarding their flaws; then they form groups to show solidarity and slowly become wrapped up in the community; eventually, the leader is seen as a god-figure, as someone who can do no wrong, and populism devolves into fighting for the interests of that leader against other elites, rather than for the disaffected people who support that leader. A cult of personality is formed, and the “common people” become a monolith, dogmatically loyal to their leader. However, the leader is not completely invincible; if there is belief that the leader has lost their way, they may be toppled. In order to keep up the illusion, the leader will give symbolic victories, and find ways to make other people worse off, to make the “common people” seem better off in comparison. Eventually, this “common people” is the new established elite, and a new “common people” rise to overthrow them.
Throughout global history, populist factions have violently lashed out against their perceived oppressor. Because populism is often rooted in distrust of institutions, the changes populists seek cannot be brought peacefully. In Rome, the state often fell into anarchy and civil war over competing factions. A bloody “Reign of Terror” was instituted in Revolutionary France, killing tens of thousands.
Anarchy is not the only result of rogue populist ideologies; populism can often lead to tyranny. Whenever the “elite” is successfully overthrown, they are replaced with a representative of the “common people,” until they eventually become the new elite. Napoleon crowned himself Emperor of the French. The Bolsheviks took dictatorial control over Russia to “protect the workers.” Fascists frequently used populist ideology to demonize minorities and foreigners, ascending to power through hatred. Even today, many dictators cling onto power through the claim of populism, of being a fighter for the common people.
There has been no fuller example of the dangers of populism than in the United States, though many refuse to admit it. Because it so often goes hand in hand with nationalism, American populism has often been influenced by bigotry. Throughout the Reconstruction Era, there were hundreds of “race riots” and lynchings perpetrated against minority Americans, especially Black Americans. Disaffected white Americans, resentful of their own poor conditions, are easily swayed by someone threatening to “challenge the system.” They rally together, and create violence, making sure they are socially better off, even if they are economically or politically worse off. They never see that their leaders are taking advantage of them. As President Lyndon B. Johnson once said, “If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best colored man, he won’t notice you’re picking his pocket.”
All of the failing aspects of populism came together in one other event. In the coastal town of Wilmington, North Carolina, a recent election had created a bipartisan government, run by both Black and white citizens. However, white supremacists, upset at the outcome of the election, had attempted to force Black Americans out of government. They assembled a mob, stormed the city hall. Once finding the elected officials, they held them at gunpoint, forcing them to resign. Afterwards, they proceeded to kill dozens of Black men, and burn down local Black-owned businesses. Unfortunately, this event was quickly swept under the great rug of history. Local newspapers claimed it was incited by Black Americans, and others ignored it altogether. One of the main perpetrators, Charles Brantley Aycock, later became governor of the state.
As of now, that was the only successful coup d’état in United States history. However, if we do not control the great beast that is populism, it will continue to grow, until eating democracy itself. Make no mistake, there are genuine reasons to feel disaffected: the wealth gap is exponentially growing; entire regions are being left behind in the modernizing world; and partisan gridlock prevents any substantive action from being taken. However, populist demagoguery is not the solution to these problems, but rather an enhancer for the problems. If people don’t trust the system, and don’t believe in democracy, then we will continue our decline. The Capitol insurrection will no longer be an isolated moment, but the catalyst of the great American tragedy, and the common people and elite alike will suffer.